23 March 2022

Called by name

 


Now the Lord saw him go forward to look, and God called to him from the middle of the bush. ‘Moses, Moses!’ he said. ‘Here I am’ he answered. ‘Come no nearer’ he said. ‘Take off your shoes, for the place on which you stand is holy ground. I am the God of your father,’ he said ‘the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob.’ At this Moses covered his face, afraid to look at God.

Exodus 3:4 - 5

My sister DonnaLynn is the last of my 10 siblings to become a grandparent. Last weekend her daughter gave birth to a handsome young lad named Hohepa (a Maori transliteration of Joseph). Hohepa is named specifically for his dad's great grandfather who brought him up, but by chance, this young fellow also bears our own father's second name, Joseph, and was brought into the world a day after the feast of St Joseph.

Choosing names for children is rife with difficulties. Today we are less likely to burden our children with the names of grandparents, uncles and aunts. There are mercifully few Arthurs, Archibalds, Basils, Beryls, Gwendolines, Cynthias, Dorises in schools today, though they too were popular in their day. There are even websites today for those who want to make up names – there is an apparent ‘science’ to it.

My own children were blessed (or cursed) with Lebanese, Polish and Maori names after endless debate and reflection. They’re still unusual, and in my sons’ cases, somewhat rare.

The Hebrews chose proper names that were descriptive or prophetic, they often carried a sense of the spiritual, capturing something of their dependence on God (e.g. Joshua/Jesus means the Lord is our salvation).

In days gone by, we only knew adults – other than relatives – by their surnames. Everyone was a Mr or Mrs. Only relatives or intimate friends called adults by their first names; so it was always a privilege to be invited to call an adult acquaintance or senior staff member by their first name. Addressing others required deference and respect.

When Moses encounters the burning bush (Exodus 3:1-8a, 13-15), he hears a voice calling out to him. The voice announces that it is the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. God then calls and sends Moses to free his people from the hands of Egyptians. When Moses asks by whom he should say he was sent, he is told,  “I am who am” – Yahweh – has sent you.

Thus the God who had been revealed himself to Abraham a half millennium earlier, now discloses his own name, and  such is the respect for this name, it is still considered holy and unutterable by the Jews and for most Christians to this very day. Where Yahweh is found in the scriptures it is usually replaced by THE LORD (in capital letters).

And this is the intimacy to which you and I are also invited: for while his name may be unutterable, we know it; and this God continues to speak to us through the burning bushes of our everyday life. You and I too are called and sent by this same God to rescue the poor and suffering, to be compassionate.

The names we give our children must last a lifetime and be remembered by the generations yet to be born. Choose carefully! This Lent remain vigilant to the voice of God: he will call you by name.

 

Peter Douglas



Act of consecration of Russia to the Immaculate Heart of Mary: Full text



Here is the Vatican text of the Act of Consecration to the Immaculate Heart of Mary, sent by the Vatican to bishops throughout the world. Pope Francis has invited bishops and the rest of the world to join him when he recites the prayer March 25 in St. Peter’s Basilica.

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Act of Consecration to the Immaculate Heart of Mary
Basilica of St. Peter
March 25, 2022

O Mary, Mother of God and our mother, in this time of trial we turn to you. As our mother, you love us and know us: No concern of our hearts is hidden from you. Mother of mercy, how often we have experienced your watchful care and your peaceful presence! You never cease to guide us to Jesus, the prince of peace.

Yet we have strayed from that path of peace. We have forgotten the lesson learned from the tragedies of the last century, the sacrifice of the millions who fell in two world wars. We have disregarded the commitments we made as a community of nations. We have betrayed peoples’ dreams of peace and the hopes of the young. We grew sick with greed, we thought only of our own nations and their interests, we grew indifferent and caught up in our selfish needs and concerns.

We chose to ignore God, to be satisfied with our illusions, to grow arrogant and aggressive, to suppress innocent lives and to stockpile weapons. We stopped being our neighbor’s keepers and stewards of our common home. We have ravaged the garden of the earth with war, and by our sins we have broken the heart of our heavenly Father, who desires us to be brothers and sisters. We grew indifferent to everyone and everything except ourselves. Now with shame we cry out: Forgive us, Lord!

Holy Mother, amid the misery of our sinfulness, amid our struggles and weaknesses, amid the mystery of iniquity that is evil and war, you remind us that God never abandons us, but continues to look upon us with love, ever ready to forgive us and raise us up to new life. He has given you to us and made your Immaculate Heart a refuge for the church and for all humanity. By God’s gracious will, you are ever with us; even in the most troubled moments of our history, you are there to guide us with tender love.

We now turn to you and knock at the door of your heart. We are your beloved children. In every age you make yourself known to us, calling us to conversion. At this dark hour, help us and grant us your comfort. Say to us once more: “Am I not here, I who am your Mother?” You are able to untie the knots of our hearts and of our times. In you we place our trust. We are confident that, especially in moments of trial, you will not be deaf to our supplication and will come to our aid.

That is what you did at Cana in Galilee, when you interceded with Jesus and he worked the first of his signs. To preserve the joy of the wedding feast, you said to him: “They have no wine” (Jn 2:3). Now, O Mother, repeat those words and that prayer, for in our own day we have run out of the wine of hope, joy has fled, fraternity has faded. We have forgotten our humanity and squandered the gift of peace. We opened our hearts to violence and destructiveness. How greatly we need your maternal help!

Therefore, O Mother, hear our prayer.

Star of the Sea, do not let us be shipwrecked in the tempest of war.

Ark of the New Covenant, inspire projects and paths of reconciliation.

Queen of Heaven, restore God’s peace to the world.

Eliminate hatred and the thirst for revenge, and teach us forgiveness.

Free us from war, protect our world from the menace of nuclear weapons.

Queen of the Rosary, make us realize our need to pray and to love.

Queen of the Human Family, show people the path of fraternity.

Queen of Peace, obtain peace for our world.

O Mother, may your sorrowful plea stir our hardened hearts. May the tears you shed for us make this valley parched by our hatred blossom anew. Amid the thunder of weapons, may your prayer turn our thoughts to peace. May your maternal touch soothe those who suffer and flee from the rain of bombs. May your motherly embrace comfort those forced to leave their homes and their native land. May your sorrowful heart move us to compassion and inspire us to open our doors and to care for our brothers and sisters who are injured and cast aside.

Holy Mother of God, as you stood beneath the cross, Jesus, seeing the disciple at your side, said: “Behold your son” (Jn 19:26). In this way, he entrusted each of us to you. To the disciple, and to each of us, he said: “Behold, your Mother” (Jn 19:27). Mother Mary, we now desire to welcome you into our lives and our history.

At this hour, a weary and distraught humanity stands with you beneath the cross, needing to entrust itself to you and, through you, to consecrate itself to Christ. The people of Ukraine and Russia, who venerate you with great love, now turn to you, even as your heart beats with compassion for them and for all those peoples decimated by war, hunger, injustice and poverty.

Therefore, Mother of God and our mother, to your Immaculate Heart we solemnly entrust and consecrate ourselves, the church and all humanity, especially Russia and Ukraine. Accept this act that we carry out with confidence and love. Grant that war may end and peace spread throughout the world. The “fiat” that arose from your heart opened the doors of history to the Prince of Peace. We trust that, through your heart, peace will dawn once more. To you we consecrate the future of the whole human family, the needs and expectations of every people, the anxieties and hopes of the world.

Through your intercession, may God’s mercy be poured out on the earth and the gentle rhythm of peace return to mark our days. Our Lady of the “fiat,” on whom the Holy Spirit descended, restore among us the harmony that comes from God. May you, our “living fountain of hope,” water the dryness of our hearts. In your womb Jesus took flesh; help us to foster the growth of communion. You once trod the streets of our world; lead us now on the paths of peace. Amen.

 

A Ukrainian Jesuit's war diary

Andriy Zelinskyy SJ 

 

I find myself moved by a bright star in the deep, dark sky over the western Ukrainian city of Lviv. One tiny but very bright light sparkling through the cold night over the city I moved to because of Russian airstrikes on Kyiv, where I have been living and serving for the last 10 years.

I love Kyiv, one of the greenest, most pleasant and peaceful capitals in Europe. On Feb. 24, I woke up in a completely different world.

The peace was obliterated by the Russian bombs dropped on my city and so many other Ukrainian cities. Since that first morning, the Russians have not, even for a single day, stopped bombing and shelling our cities and villages.

Only a couple of weeks ago, Volnovakha, near Donetsk, was a town I visited many times, with people in the streets and hope in their eyes, with children going to school and parents thinking of their future. And now, like other cities under Russian bombardment, it doesn’t exist—neither the town nor the future for so many of its inhabitants. They have been killed by war.

During these first three weeks of Russia’s invasion, more than 900 rockets and missiles have been launched against Ukraine; more than 300 per week or almost 50 air attacks daily. In the city of Kharkiv alone, with a population of 1.5 million people, more than 600 buildings have been completely destroyed. The city of Mariupol, located on the northwestern coast of the Azov Sea, has been under siege for more than two weeks.

Similar stories can be told about the cities of Isyum, Irpin, Bucha, Chernihiv and many more.

Witnessing the level and scale of violence throughout these past days, I still can’t understand its source. The bombing of pediatric and maternity hospitals, of schools and churches, of a bread factory and residential apartments, has no strategic goal whatsoever. It is violence without reason, senseless cruelty.

Obviously, you can’t just start a war without a reason. And if there isn’t a legitimate one, you have to make one up. In his official declaration launching the “special military operation” against Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia’s two major goals are “demilitarization” and “denazification.”

We Ukrainians know well that the Russian military aggression did not start in February. It began in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of pieces of two eastern regions of the country where Russia has installed quasi-governments. The West made a strategic decision not to notice that war in Ukraine. Before this total war on Ukraine began in February, the lives of 14,000 civilians and more than 4,000 military personnel had already been lost fighting the Russians since 2014, and more than 1.5 million people had already been forced to leave their homes and seek refuge in other parts of the country or abroad.

The response of the international community to the seizure of Crimea and aggression in the Donbas region did not seriously affect Russia.

Now what Mr. Putin means by “demilitarization” is to deprive our armed forces of any capacity to defend Ukraine from this ongoing Russian military aggression in the east.

Even more problematic is Mr. Putin’s term “denazification.”

To give that effort any credibility, it is necessary first to find a “Nazi” in the Ukrainian government, which is headed by President Zelenskyy, who is Jewish, in a country that lost around 9 million lives in its fight against the Nazi army during World War II. Everybody in Ukraine understands very well that Mr. Putin’s mission cannot be accomplished: you can’t find that which doesn’t exist.

But Russia’s authoritarian tradition makes it easy to undermine reality: You can always make something up. Most Russians have accepted the claims of their president about the threats coming from Ukraine or about the necessity of the military means used in the operation. With few exceptions they have not displayed the courage required to question the legitimacy of Mr. Putin’s justification for this war. In authoritarian societies, reality is dictated, not discovered, and the truth is constructed, not received. A “real” truth is dangerous. It sets people free.

Where there’s fear, there’s always room for shame. And shameful in this whole story is the official position of the Russian Orthodox Church.

The church of Christ has had the same mission through long centuries of human history: to announce, in words and deeds, to all people the healing truth of our Lord and savior Jesus from Nazareth, in whom eternal God manifests boundless love to humanity, that makes us all brothers and sisters in Christ, recipients of his eternal mercy.

After three weeks of ferocious bombardments, after so much suffering on the part of innocent civilians, most of whom consider themselves the faithful of the Orthodox Church, the patriarch of Moscow has not said a word in their defense. Instead he makes loud political statements accusing those countries that provide the means of defense to the Ukrainian people of somehow provoking or prolonging the war.

To make his arguments more “credible,” the patriarch focused the attention of his flock on the proliferation of gay pride parades that supposedly are a “test to enter the club of these powerful countries.” But he has said not a single word about innocent victims of the Russian air and artillery attacks, not a word of consolation for those whose houses and lives were cruelly destroyed.

This is what happens when the church preaches not the Gospel, but state ideology; when the value, significance and dignity of a human being vanishes before the shadow of a “great culture”; when the obligation of political authorities to serve the needs of their people is replaced by an insatiable desire to satisfy their own interests at the cost of the governed; when personal responsibility gives way to exaggerated national pride and reality to nicely decorated mental illusions.

The concept of the “Russian world” is often defined by the representatives of the Russian elite, especially by Patriarch Kirill and Mr. Putin, as the “Holy Rus,” a transnational “Russian civilization.” It includes the nations of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, as well as territory occupied by ethnic Russians and Russian speakers all over the world.

According to this ideology, the “Russian world” has one political center in Moscow and one spiritual center in Kyiv, with one Russian language as a means of communication and the propagation of Russian culture. The Russian Orthodox Church is its single dominant religious institution, and the patriarch of Moscow its primary religious leader, now acting in a complete spiritual symphony with the president of Russia, the political leader of this vast social, spiritual and cultural realm.

Russian leaders position the collective West as an opponent to this political and spiritual civilization, arguing that Western “liberalism,” “globalization,” “militant secularism” and “gay pride parades” are its antitheses. The “Russian world” has been used throughout the past decades as an ideological cover for the high degree of social injustice in Russia, to prevent citizens from sympathizing with Western democratic institutions and to legitimize the imperialistic ambitions of the Russian political establishment. State propaganda based on the tenets of this ideology have for years distorted citizens’ perception of reality by describing anything and everything that would stand against the autocratic regime of Mr. Putin as “Nazi” or “fascist.”

The problem with this ideology of the “Russian world” is that it simply doesn’t exist. The Russian war against Ukraine proves this better than anything else. When you see a Russian tank blowing up an elderly man in Mariupol or Russian soldiers killing civilians standing in line for bread in Chernihiv, and when you hear not a single word against this diabolic violence from the spiritual leader of the ”Russian world,” you understand that it simply has nothing to do with spirituality, humanity or reality.

When you see Russian bombs destroying Orthodox churches, and Russian-speaking Ukrainian soldiers sacrificing their lives in a courageous fight against the Russian army, and when you listen to Ukrainian mothers who have lost their sons, cursing Russian invadors in Russian, you realize that no spiritual or cultural unity provided by the Russian language or the Russian church really exists.

The “Russian world” appears to be no more than a mental construct, a nicely decorated illusion, cultural cover over a dangerous antihuman political core. It’s a fake.

That bright sparkling star in the cold night sky absorbed my whole attention for a minute. It was a beautiful and peaceful sight, an alternative to the world destroyed by war that I had been living in for some days.

But no matter how peaceful and beautiful it appeared, I know it inhabited a far-off space that was probably not fit for human life. Like the shiny idea of Holy Rus, it was sparkling and appealing, but it offered no safe place for human life to carry on.

People fall prey to illusions. They seek to create a significance that will outlast their lives. A social class, a political nation, a biological race or a cultural identity—all of them may seem bright enough to capture our imagination, offering a belonging to something greater than ourselves. Yet just as bright, remote stars in cold space, these ideologies cannot sustain human life.

We have already experienced this a number of times in this last, bloody century. It looks like we have not learned the lesson yet.

Maybe it’s still not too late.

Father Zelinskyy SJ is the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church’s chief military chaplain.This article was published in America on 22 March 2022.

 


11 March 2022

Faith in the Lord

 

Night sky in southern Tasmania

Taking Abram outside the Lord said, 'Look up to heaven and count the stars if you can. Such will be your descendants,' he told him. Abram put his faith in the Lord, who counted this as making him justified. 

Genesis 15:5f

There are many nights like last night. Cool, the heavens clear, the stars ever so visible with little interference from the street lights, and again I said my good nights to the growing list of those I love who have entered eternal life.

Without denigrating lawyers (my sister is one), I would prefer to order my life without the assistance of solicitors. Nevertheless I have required their services in the purchase of property, making wills and challenging our local council. Undoubtedly lawyers’ expertise helps sort out the issues, and certainly when drawing up contracts we want to be sure that they are watertight and that they say and do what we mean and intend.

The word covenant has an ancient history and is used richly throughout the religious, biblical, legal and political worlds. In Hebrew the word berith relates both the sense of unconditional gift from God (as with Abram/Abraham) and the conditional sense where certain requirements must be met in order to maintain the covenantal relationship. Though we often think of there being one covenant between the Lord and his people, there are several, each deepening the relationship between both parties.

Covenants are contracts. They establish the expectations of the parties who enter into an agreement to provide a service or goods.

The covenant made by God with his people does have one most important difference: it requires faith. As imaginative as the story of Abraham and Sarah is – leaving Ur, setting up in Canaan, Sarah’s pregnancy, the promise of innumerable descendants – we need to understand it is already infused with faith. The covenant is the actual means of understanding the mutual commitment that God and humanity have between them. You will be my people, and I will be your God (Ezekiel 36:28). There are mutual obligations.

The stories that emanate from scripture constantly remind us of God’s fidelity to that covenant and humanity’s struggle with its obligations. One major stumbling block was the Hebrew’s knack of codifying every aspect of their lives in relation to that covenant, so that the Law became more important than the relationship. In Jesus the New Covenant is established which again sets God’s love, his desire to be in relationship with you and me as pre-eminent.

There is nothing more important in that relationship than knowing that God loves us, and that he loves us unconditionally.

The Transfiguration (Luke 9:28ff) - like looking to the heavens and seeing the array of stars in the heavens is, to me, a clear sign of his covenant with us, but more so a constant and loving reminder of God's passionate and lavish fidelity.

 

Peter Douglas

 


Expanding the Orthodox empire


Vladimir Putin’s designs on Ukraine are rooted in Russia’s ancient imperial ambitions for a Eurasian state.

Mark Jenkins


In 2016, I happened to be in Karyes, capital of the monastic republic of Mount Athos, when Vladimir Putin swept into the small hilltop in a motorcade. Russia has had close links with Mount Athos since the ninth century. Then, in the 12th century, Athonite monks led the regeneration of Russia from small settlements in the far north, under the leadership now of Moscow, Kiev having been knocked out of action by the Mongol invasions.

Alighting from his four-wheel drive, the Russian president was escorted into the 10th-century church of the Protaton, and towards a stall traditionally reserved for the emperors of Byzantium, where he stood for vespers. The authority of the emperors of Byzantium, from whom the Russian tsars traced their line of descent, extended over an ordered hierarchy of satellite states revolving in obedient harmony around the throne of a transnational autocrat.

The ancient belief that Russia has a unique, indeed messianic, role to play in world history is perhaps most vividly expressed in the 16th-century “Legend of the White Cowl”. In 1868, Dostoevsky wrote: “Russian thought is preparing a grandiose renovation for the entire world (you are right, it is closely linked with Russian Orthodoxy), and this will occur in about a century’s time, that’s my passionate belief.” In the view of German historian Oswald Spengler, the next thousand years will belong to Dostoevsky’s Christianity.

A feature of Dostoevsky’s thought is his vehement rejection of the European Enlightenment’s optimistic humanism. After his experiences in a Siberian gulag, Dostoevsky abandoned his earlier faith in Enlightenment ideas about progress.

As well as refusing to accept the Enlightenment’s faith in the ability of rationalism and materialism to lead man towards ultimate knowledge, Dostoevsky also rejected the Enlightenment’s dualism, its insertion of a barrier between mind and matter. He spoke of his experience of moments when he felt “all is good”, moments in which he felt a sense of communion with nature, a sense that inner and outer is not separated by an impassable barrier. Dostoevsky believed that the dualism of the Enlightenment paradigm had resulted in man becoming alienated – the sin of Adam.

Dostoevsky argued that – in marked contrast to the increasingly alienated ways of life being lived in the West – the Russian peasant’s connectedness with the land, as well as his life lived within a community, helped make him a more intelligent, more integrated individual than his modern, western counterpart – even though he might be illiterate.

Dostoevsky felt that the best hope for Russia’s future lay in its development of a network of decentralised “village republics”. In his view, Russia’s lack of industrial development was a blessing in disguise. It gave Russia an extraordinary opportunity to lay the foundations for a whole new culture, a whole new civilisation. Such hopes, however, were shattered by the revolution of 1917.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, however, Russia found itself in need of a new political idea. Initial attempts to emulate western-style liberal democracies had ended in chaos. By the late 1990s, a man called Aleksandr Dugin, sometimes called “Putin’s Rasputin”, had come forward with an update of an old idea – Eurasia.

Dugin’s Eurasia strategy was rooted in the work of Prince Nikolai Trubetzkoy, who believed that the West is in a state of terminal decline, and that the 1917 revolution had been a counterblast of a primordial, Moscow-led Holy Russia against a westernised St Petersburg. Trubetzkoy envisaged a new Moscow-based theocratic elite exercising its power through a series of regional councils.

Kremlin strategist Dugin has also been called the “Prophet of the Russian Empire”. He sees empires as arrangements able to combine a strict strategic centralism with the broad autonomy of regional forms of government, and in his view history shows that empires have by far excelled the societies that preceded their rise. Dugin believes Russians have what he calls “an empire-building will”, and that the only way Russia will be able to preserve its sovereignty in the face of US hegemony will be through a recovery of its status as an empire within a new, multipolar world. Putin’s speeches are littered with references to Eurasia.

According to Dugin, the Eurasian heartland is home to a civilisation rooted in beliefs and customs very different from those of the West: a preference for the collective over the individual, and for the idea of a family of nations under a supreme ruler. Dugin also believes that Russian identity is, in a fundamental sense, linked to its Orthodox faith. Since at least 2009, Dugin has been speaking of what he sees as the threat to Russia’s imperial ambitions posed by the continued existence of Ukraine as an independent state.

Dugin wants to tear Europe away from the USA and reorient it under a Franco-German alliance led by Berlin. He believes the UK is a puppet state of the USA, and that Russia should not use conventional military force to rebuild its empire. Instead, it should work to generate general chaos, thereby triggering the inner collapse of its enemy – the US led liberal West. Dugin believes Russia must use its huge natural resources, especially oil and gas, to divide and weaken its enemies, and that the programme of the European Enlightenment must be “liquidated” because “liberalism” is responsible for many historic crimes.

Dugin is especially exercised by the West’s focus on the individual rather than the community, as well as its worship of what he sees as the false god of progress and obsession

From The Catholic Herald March 2022




 

 

 

 

 


A new creation

  Therefore, if anyone  is  in Christ,  he is  a new creation; old things have passed away; behold, all things have becom...